The Importance of Data Skepticism – Hate crimes did not rise 17 percent in one year.

The video embeded here by Johan Norberg caught my attention with the title “skewed crime reporting” which I read as “skewed data reporting.” Comparing 2016 and 2017 Department of justice statistics on hate crime, that hate crimes rose 17% in one year. This is reported in the Washington Post, AP news, Vox.com, NBCnews, and the NY Times (and those were only the first 6 hits in my Google search on ‘hate crimes up 17%.’ The Hill.com reported that it was the third year in a row that hate crimes had increased.

Seventeen percent! That is a huge increase and since this is now two back to back increases that seems to say that there is something very wrong these days. One may reasonably expect the data in 2018 to again show an increase. Three years in a row, then possibly four? What are we to do?

Well we can start by not comparing Apples to Oranges

All economics students are taught in their data courses and I hope all who dabble in data analysis and data science are as well, to understand the data generating process (DGP) of the data? What is it and how reliable is it. One would think it is great and useful data because is seems comprehensive and is government data published by the Department of Justice data on the fbi.gov website at 2017 Hate Crime Statistics and 2016 Hate Crime Statistics. It’s governmental data, we do not have to be concerned, correct? In this case there is every reason to be skeptical. See first two paragraphs by the FBI UCR Hate Crime Summary, specifically the changing base of the numbers and the non estimation of hate crimes in an area that does not report. I was rejoicing in the fact that the FBI did not quote the 17% increase, but was disappointed to find that they did. I now hope it was not the careful data professionals, but the misinterpretation of a press officer. Why disappointed? Read on.

I learned my data / statistical skepticism from a 1954 book by Darrell Huff called How to Lie with Statistics and have required it in nearly every data class I have taught. So simple, and so devious, most are simple misrepresentation of the facts. You can’t have your own facts, but your manipulation or interpretation may be nonfactual and faulty. In the data course in which I taught last fall I required a free download by Cathy O’Neil On Being a Data Skeptic. And there are other fine resources, but to have my students first distrust anything about data is quite the goal.

Cathy O’Neil’s author page can be found here. To hear about her book Weapons of Math Destruction, listen in to her conversation with Russ Roberts (@econtalker) at Econ Talk.

All economic students are cautioned or should be cautioned to be skeptical with all data sources, understanding the DGP, but also looking for the year to year changes in methods or wording or scope or instructions. I did not look for, nor would I expect to find a set of instructions sent out with the 2017 survey to reporting agencies to pay particular interest to this or that differently than in 2016, but if I were to analyzing this data I should. Some EDA methods are advisable for economists, (those that inform the researcher, but not those that purport to find truth from data, the latter introducing the inherent bias that correlation is causation), but, alas, I suspect even that would reveal little here. This problem is more fundamental, it is in the base.

Agencies report the hate crimes. Is it only a 10.7 percent increase?

Each year’s data is assembled from the reporting agencies in their sample and that is the problem. The number of agencies between 2016 and 2017 rose by 5.9%, 895 additional agencies in the sample. However, agencies that reported at least one hate crime rose from 1776 to 2040, 14.6 percent increase, near the 17 percent increase in hate crimes. So did hate crimes increase significantly, or was it just because more new agencies join the reporting network? The latter casts doubt on the former reliability.

yearNo. of
agencies
No. of
agencies
reporting hate
crimes
No. of
hate
crimes
reported
No. of
hate
crimes
per
agency
No. of
hate
crimes
per
agency
that
reported
hate
crimes
Source of Data
201615,254177661210.4013.45https://ucr.fbi.gov/hate-crime/2016 
201716,149204071750.4443.52https://ucr.fbi.gov/hate-crime/2017
change 8952641,0540.0430.071
Percent
change
5.9%14.9%17.2%10.7%2.0%

To examine that is beyond this blog post, but I would start with restricting the sample 16,149 agencies in 2017 to only those 15,254 that reported in 2016. In those 15,254 areas by how much is hate crimes increased? I bet it wouldn’t be 17%. in the table I estimate the increase of hate crime to be 10.7%, but I am not comfortable with that measure either.

Not all agencies report hate crimes, perhaps it is only a 2 percent increase.

I every agency that reported for the first time reported just one crime each it accounts for almost the entire increase suggests Johan Norberg quoting or at least referencing Robby Soave in reason.com. So I am led to a different way of thinking about whether hate crimes have increased. What if we took only those 1,776 agencies in 2016 that actually reported hate crimes and then looked at only those agencies in 2017 to see what they report. Again that is beyond this blog entry, but as a crude proxy, lets compare the agencies that reported hate crimes in 2016 with the 2,040 agencies that reported in 2017. What do we find? in 2016 there were 3.44 hate crimes reported on average by the 1,776 agencies which rose to 3.52 hate crimes reported on average in 2017 by the 2,040 agencies which suggests that hate crimes rose by 2 percent, not 10 percent and certainly not 17.

Super Bowl – What you do not see

What happens when benefits are concentrated and costs are dispersed? What happens when the benefits are concentrated and the costs are unseen? Frederic Bastiat understood this in July 1850 and called out bad economics that has followed governmental subsidies every since. Good economists according to Baitiat see what is seen and unseen, that is they consider opportunity costs that others ignore.

John Stossel at Reason.com, always entertaining, explains it well.

https://www.facebook.com/Reason.Magazine/videos/832233770456814/

Bastiat taught us, a lesson we regularly forget:

“In the department of economy, an act, a habit, an institution, a law, gives birth not only to an effect, but to a series of effects. Of these effects, the first only is immediate; it manifests itself simultaneously with its cause — it is seen. The others unfold in succession — they are not seen: it is well for us, if they are foreseen. Between a good and a bad economist this constitutes the whole difference — the one takes account of the visible effect; the other takes account both of the effects which are seen, and also of those which it is necessary to foresee. Now this difference is enormous, for it almost always happens that when the immediate consequence is favourable, the ultimate consequences are fatal, and the converse. Hence it follows that the bad economist pursues a small present good, which will be followed by a great evil to come, while the true economist pursues a great good to come, — at the risk of a small present evil.”

From: That Which is Seen, and That Which is Not Seen, Frédéric Bastiat accessed at http://bastiat.org/en/twisatwins.html, paragraph 1.

The Super Bowl city, Atlanta, replaced the Georgia Dome with the beautiful new Mercedes-Benz Stadium, opened in 2017 for $1.6 billion with taxpayers on the hook for $1.02 billion over the course of the deal. (source). Is there an expected positive return. Economists say no. The unseen costs illustrated nicely in the Stossel video below are just that, but true and real costs none the less. The application of proper accounting of opportunity costs is frequently overlooked and because they do not show on an invoice or bill, are never fully accounted.

Brooking economists, Roger Noll and Andrew Zimblist, edited “Sports, Jobs, and Taxes: The Economic Impact of Sports Teams and Stadiums,” in 1997 which concluded a million dollars in federal tax dollars were lost in each of 10 facilities built in the 1970s and 1980s. States and localities give up even more hoping that the returns to having the sports franchise in their area is so much more. Their conclusion on the oft cited this will create jobs reason is not positive.

Their conclusions: 

“In every case, the conclusions are the same. A new sports facility has an extremely small (perhaps even negative) effect on overall economic activity and employment. No recent facility appears to have earned anything approaching a reasonable return on investment. No recent facility has been self-financing in terms of its impact on net tax revenues. Regardless of whether the unit of analysis is a local neighborhood, a city, or an entire metropolitan area, the economic benefits of sports facilities are de minimus.”

Roger Noll and Andrew Zimblist writing at brookings.edu.

They find similar disappointing results on all other reasons offered to subsidize a stadium as negative.

Dennis Coats, a University of Maryland economist, writes a follow up to his 1999 study with Brad R. Humphreys and concludes

“The results here are generally similar to those of Coats and Humphreys; the array of sports variables, including presence of franchises, arrival and departure of clubs in a metropolitan area, and stadium and arena construction, is statistically significant. However, individual coefficients frequently indicate harmful effects of sports on per capita income, wage and salary disbursements, and wages per job.”

Dennis Coates. “Growth Effects of Sports Franchises, Stadiums, and Arenas: 15 Years Later.” Mercatus Working Paper, Mercatus Center at George Mason University, Arlington, VA, September 2015. Cited at https://www.mercatus.org/publication/growth-effects-sports-franchises-stadiums-and-arenas-15-years-later.

What about civic pride? 

That feeling of having something great in your city from having the Super Bowl in your area. Doesn’t that make it all worthwhile? Peter A. Groothuis and Kurt W. Rotthoff in “The Economic Impact and Civic Pride Effects of Sports Teams and Mega‐Events: Do The Public and the Professionals Agree?” in Economic Affairs report

Most of the economic literature finds sports teams or mega‐events have little or no economic impact, but there are mixed findings on the magnitude of civic pride. Overall, most of the economic literature suggests that the benefits created by sports teams or events do not outweigh the cost of public subsidies provided. We conduct a survey of public opinion on US residents’ perceptions of economic impacts and civic pride benefits from mega‐events such as the Super Bowl and the Winter Olympics. Our study asks the question: Do residents believe that mega‐events and sports teams generate positive economic impacts and civic pride or not? We find that, like economists, the public doubts that public funding of mega‐events is a good idea.

So enjoy the game and try not to think of the many negative effects of public expenditures so poorly rewarded. Frankly, I recommend you read more Frederic Bastiat and buy a coffee cup and kickback to enjoy a warm beverage to take away the chill of poor governmental expense.